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opt out of obamacare

Now Is The Time To Repeal Obamacare And Here’s Why

By | opt out of obamacare

By repealing Obamacare, health insurance markets could help drive down costs and force insurers to compete for our business with products tailored to our specific healthcare needs – including innovating to deliver better care at lower costs to the relatively small population in the individual maret with pre-existing conditions.

Under Obamacare millions of people have seen triple premiums, canceled plans, and drastically diminished provider options. Indeed, some are paying more for their monthly healthcare premiums than for home mortgages.

Under Obama care premiums will continue to rise as younger, healthier people opt out of Obamacare’s exchanges and the sick and indigent makeup larger proportions of the exchange population. The reason for these continued premium increases is that Obamacare’s federal health insurance mandates – guaranteed issue, community rating, essential health benefits, under-26 mandate – all remain a part of the law. These onerous federal requirements on issuers are responsible for patients and families’ exorbitant costs, diminished care quality, narrowed provider networks, and the degradation of the overall system.

When considering repeal of Obama care it’s important to remember the laws most glaring failures:

  1. Costs

Despite repeated promises of premium reductions, Obama care has delivered major increases.

In the employer-sponsored market, costs continue to increase. According to the Kaiser family foundation, average family premiums for employer-sponsored plans have increased almost 32% from 2010-2017.

In the individual market, the average nationwide premium increase has been 99% for individuals and 140% for families from 2013-2017, according to e-Health.

  1. Choice and competition

Relative to the individual market prior to the law’s implementation, insurance competition has always been limited on Obama cares exchanges. However competition has continued to decline, with 2017 being the worst year yet.

Heritage foundation research shows that 70% of U.S. Counties have only one or two insurers offering coverage on the exchange in 2018.

  1. Exchange Enrollment

The Obama administration estimated that the average monthly affected enrollment in the exchanges was 10.4 million people in 2016 this is significantly below the original projections from the Congressional Budget Office, which estimated that 21 million people would be getting their coverage through the laws Government exchanges in 2016.

  1. If you like your plan, but the government doesn’t, you can’t keep it

When Obama cares insurance rules and mandates took full effect in 2014, insurers were forced to cancel existing plans that didn’t comply with the new standards. A tally put together by the Associated Press shows that there were at least 4.7 million plan cancellations across 30 states.

This situation cannot persist. It’s unfair, insanely expensive, and threatens the financial security of millions of American families.  Now is the time to Repeal Obamacare – before it causes even greater damage to Americans’ financial security.

Obamacare’s Individual Mandate Is Repealing Itself

By | Health Insurance, opt out of obamacare

Premiums are so high that many are exempt.

Unaffordable HealthcareThe Senate this week is expected to vote on a tax bill that includes a controversial provision to repeal Obamacare’s tax penalty on the uninsured. Democrats and some conservative policy analysts fret that if Congress scuttles the so-called individual mandate, insurance premiums will rise.

The reverse may be closer to the truth: Premiums for Obamacare policies next year will be so high that millions will be exempt from the tax penalty whether Congress repeals it or not. Even the skimpiest coverage now costs so much that many uninsured people with six-figure incomes will be exempt.

The individual mandate is repealing itself.

The mandate represented a grand bargain between the government and the insurance industry. Insurers agreed not to base premiums on applicants’ medical conditions, and in exchange, the government agreed to subsidize premiums and penalize the uninsured. In theory, the threat of tax penalties would induce healthy people to pay an unfairly high price for a product they wouldn’t otherwise buy, creating a stable insurance pool that would generate billions in profits for insurers.

It hasn’t worked out that way. Healthy people have largely shunned the exchanges, making the individual health-insurance market a losing proposition for most insurers. The number of people with individual policies, which grew during Obamacare’s first two years, has been shrinking since 2016. The erosion has been most pronounced among those who earn too much to receive premium subsidies.

So why aren’t more people who refuse to buy Obamacare policies forced to pay tax penalties? One reason is that the Obamacare statute does not permit the IRS to collect the penalty in cases where premiums would exceed 8 percent of an uninsured person’s income. That is a high bar: The average household spent 5.5 percent of its income on health-insurance premiums last year, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

But that number includes people with employer coverage. Obamacare premiums are so high that they often exceed that threshold even for families with relatively comfortable earnings. For a 35-year-old couple, subsidies end at about $65,000 in income — but Bronze-level coverage costs an average of nearly $7,800, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation’s premium calculator. This premium will exceed 8 percent of the couple’s income unless their earnings approach $97,400. A 31-year-old couple with a toddler loses subsidies at an income of about $82,000, but would have to pay more than $9,800 for a Bronze plan — meaning they would be exempt from the penalty unless their earnings total nearly $123,000. Healthy people have generally refused Obamacare policies because they cost too much and cover too little.

Middle-aged people pay higher premiums under Obamacare, making them even more likely to qualify for exemptions. A 50-year-old couple ineligible for subsidies (which end around $65,000) would face premiums of nearly $11,400 for a Bronze policy, freeing them from the penalty if their income is below $142,000. At the extreme, a 64-year-old couple (facing the same $65,000 subsidy cutoff) wouldn’t have to pay the tax penalty unless their earnings topped $239,000.

Lavish premiums don’t buy lavish coverage. Family deductibles for Bronze plans average more than $12,000, and limits on out-of-pocket spending for covered, in-network services average nearly $14,000. Our hypothetical 35-year-old couple would have to shell out more than $21,700 in premiums and medical bills before their insurance company began bearing the full cost of their in-network expenses. Hardly an appealing proposition.

The reflexive response of Obamacare proponents is to blame higher premiums on President Trump. For them, there is no problem with Obamacare that impeachment wouldn’t solve. They cast his decision to discontinue cost-sharing-reduction subsidies to insurers beginning in January 2018 as an act of sabotage. These federal outlays compensate insurers for providing generous benefits to certain low-income people.

Congress has never appropriated money for these payments. A federal judge ruled in May 2016 that it was unconstitutional for the government to continue to make them. Both the Obama and the Trump administrations have made them anyway. By the end of this month, the government will have spent an estimated $22 billion in unappropriated money on this program. Trump’s decision to halt those payments looks less like sabotage than like constitutional governance.

It is true that terminating the cost-sharing-reduction payments has forced insurers to raise premiums to compensate for their loss. But in most states, those higher premiums apply only to Silver plans. The rates quoted in this piece are national averages for Bronze plans, whose premiums were largely unaffected by the termination of cost-sharing-reduction subsidies in most states.

As premiums have risen, the mandate’s power and reach have waned. Congress should finish the job and repeal a mandate that already is repealing itself.

— Doug Badger is a former White House and U.S. Senate policy adviser and currently a senior fellow at the Galen Institute.